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In the days immediately following 9/11, Gail Sheehy went to Middletown,
New Jersey, a community that lost more people in the World
Trade Center than any other outside New York City. For the
better part of two years, Sheehy followed the women, men and
children who remained after the devastation and who continue
to put their lives back together. Sheehy's Middletown, America: One
Town's Passage from Trauma to Hope , was published by Random
House in September 2003 and received wide critical acclaim.
Yet for Sheehy, the Middletown community and the nation, the
story continues and threat remains.
In her book, and later in a series of articles for the New York
Observer, Sheehy continues to tell the story of four widowed moms
from New Jersey who turned their sorrow into action and became
formidable witnesses to the failures of the country’s leaders
to connect the dots before September 11. Sheehy follows the four
moms as they fight White House attempts to thwart the 9/11 Commission.
In addition to her articles for the New York Observer, Sheehy is
regularly featured on radio and television coverage about the failures
before and the aftermath of September 11.
Here is a sampling of her work:

Lacking subpoena power or a staff of 60 investigators, the Four Moms
from New Jersey are still leagues ahead of the commissioners.
by Gail Sheehy
On the evening of April 5, the television was buzzing with wall-to-wall
coverage of the 9/11 commission hearings and the ongoing violence
in Iraq. National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice (nicknamed the "warrior
princess" by White House staff) was scheduled to testify under
oath to the commission on April 8, the culmination of a long journey
for the Bush administration. Initially rejecting the idea of forming
the commission, the White House finally allowed it, even as they
thwarted the commission by overclassifying or hiding crucial documents.
Initially refusing to allow sworn testimony from White House aides
like Ms. Rice (because of important "constitutional principles"),
here, too, the White House finally relented. Ms. Rice's testimony
is the culmination of what has become the defining narrative of the
Bush administration in this election year: whether they did enough
to prevent the attacks of Sept. 11, and whether they then used the
attacks as a pretext for a long-desired and unrelated war with Iraq.
The same evening, mashing spinach in her kitchen in East Brunswick,
N.J., for a family Seder on the first night of Passover, Lorie Van
Auken can hardly have looked like one of the driving forces behind
these developments as she cradled a telephone in the crook of her
neck and spoke with this writer, firing off a list of angry questions
that she wants to ask Ms. Rice.
Ms. Van Auken is one of the "four moms," from New Jersey,
alll 9/11 widows, whose loud outcry compelled the Bush administration
to form the commission in the first place. As the four have taken
the national stage, their worlds have been turned upside-down again.
The personal loss that motivates them-the loss of their husbands-has
led them down this path, to find out the truth about what their country
failed to do for them on Sept. 11, and what the White House continues
to do to cover it up. But as they sit across nondescript coffee tables
from Chris Matthews on Hardball or protest the President's exploitation
of Ground Zero images on the Today show, they have found themselves
targets as well: accused of being toadies for the Kerry campaign
by Bush campaign aides (even though two of the moms voted for Mr.
Bush); of being delusional and naïve by Mr. Matthews, like the
women who launched America's failed effort to locate their loved
ones in the long cold graveyards of Vietnam.
In the weeks after Sept. 11, the four moms came together, slowly
and organically, as each found herself looking for answers that nobody
seemed willing to provide. Was investigating and defeating Al Qaeda's
network of terrorists a priority for George W. Bush's administration?
Googling Ms. Rice's record early on, the 9/11 widows noted that she
made no mention of terrorism, much less Al Qaeda, in June 2001, when
she addressed the Council on Foreign Relations on the foreign-policy
priorities of the Bush administration.
Since then, the moms read with indignation the 900-page final report
of the Joint Congressional Inquiry on 9/11, which preceded the current
9/11 commission. In that final report, amidst the great stretches
of blank pages from which the White House had redacted material deemed
privileged or security-sensitive, the moms found that the following "all-source" intelligence
review had been given to top officials on June 28, 2001-the same
month that Ms. Rice listed the administration's priorities:
"Based on reporting over the last five months, we believe that
UBL [Osama bin Laden] will launch a significant terrorist attack
against U.S. and/or Israeli interests in the coming weeks. The attack
will be spectacular and designed to inflict mass casualties ....
Attack preparations have been made. Attack will occur with little
or no warning. They are waiting us out, looking for a vulnerability."
For them, the question for Condoleezza Rice is not a new one formed
in the waning tenure of the commission amid the explosive testimony
of former White House counterterrorism ace Richard Clarke. They were
questions formed in the fog of grief, and they have only become clearer.
It was this report, in part, that alerted the four moms to the falsehood
of the White House claim-made early on in the post-9/11 political
environment, and now a continuing refrain from White House officials-that
before that fateful day, nobody could have imagined that hijackers
would use airplanes as missiles.
That claim persists despite another of the moms' particular efforts.
Kristen Breitweiser has given the most trenchant television interviews
in the group and is known among them, affectionately-in a personal
language that recalls something out of a John Le Carré novel-as "the
hammer." It was Ms. Breitweiser who shot down that claim in
her stunning testimony before the Congressional panel as its opening
witness in September 2002-long before anyone but Internet bloggers
and conspiracy theorists seemed to be paying close attention to the
administration's claims. Ms. Breitweiser cited more than half a dozen
terrorist plots that envisioned slamming commercial planes into landmarks
in American cities, or the Eiffel Tower, or blowing up the Los Angeles
International Airport-a "Millennium plot" that was foiled
by President Bill Clinton's insistence on banging heads together
in the daily meetings of all top officials responsible for domestic
and foreign security.
This was supposed to be a rare week off from their grueling round
trips to Washington in Ms. Breitweiser's S.U.V. to attend hearings
or meet with the commissioners.
"Condi Rice threw a wrench into everything," said Ms.
Van Auken.
She and her group remember the year, 2002, when Ms. Rice wouldn't
agree even to answer written questions from the Congressional panel
(her deputy, Stephen Hadley, responded for her). When the White House
reversed its two-year standoff against the moms' pleadings to hear
from the President's foreign-policy tutor in public, their Holy Week
plans went to hell.
"My most pressing need is to make sure the Easter Bunny makes
a visit to our house this Sunday," said Ms. Breitweiser, the
mother of a 5-year-old. "And to take down my outdoor Christmas
decorations."
"That," admonished fellow widow Patty Casazza, "is
why I told you not to put them up."
But it gets harder and harder to continue to put life on hold for
a slow-moving commission, especially as the four moms' expectations
that the commissioners will ask the really tough questions deteriorates.
Commissioner Jamie Gorelick says that Ms. Rice can be questioned
on anything she told the panel in her private audience, provided
it isn't classified. But the four moms' questions are often more
challenging than that.
The latest question on Ms. Van Auken's mind picks up on Ms. Rice's
defensive position, articulated earlier in the hearings, that her
national-security team was alert only to "traditional" hijackings,
in which an airplane is redirected or its passengers held hostage
as part of a negotiation.
"Even if that's so, they did nothing to thwart traditional
hijacks either," Ms. Van Auken noted.
She ticked off a timeline she knows by heart: By 8:14 a.m. on Sept.
11, F.A.A. flight controllers knew that American Flight 11 was missing.
Its transponder was turned off, and they couldn't get a response
from the pilot. By 8:22 a.m., fighter jets should have been sent
up to trail Flight 11. They could have caught up with it in 10 minutes,
or even by 8:40 a.m. Then an F-16 could have rocked its wings and,
if it couldn't force the hijacked jet to turn around before it hit
the World Trade Center, a fighter plane would have been instructed
to crash into it.
She goes on: By 8:43, the F.A.A. had notified NORAD that there was
another hijacked jet in the sky (United Flight 175). The other fighter
jet could have gone after that plane. Certainly by the time the Pentagon
was a target, they could have shot down Flight 77. And, by then,
the pilots did have a shoot-down order.
"I'd like to ask Condi Rice: 'If you all say we couldn't have
done anything to prevent 9/11, why weren't we able to mitigate the
damage?'" said Ms. Van Auken.
It's The Mmes. Smith Go to Washington: Instead of Jimmy Stewart
shouting himself hoarse in the well of the Senate, these young suburban
widows have banded together to coax and cajole, outwit and outlast
their national leaders, until officials face up to their mistakes
and forge enough systemic changes to prevent the next terrorist attack-or
at least put together a strategy to minimize the death and trauma.
For my book Middletown, America, I followed their journey from the
first months of anguish and disbelief, through incoherent anger,
to the point in the spring of 2002 when they found a mission to channel
their anger and look toward the future with hope.
Lorie Van Auken is the mom who still takes flack for asking her
friends, two years ago: "O.K., there's the House and the Senate-which
one has the most members?" Now, she speaks authoritatively about
wing-rocking and plane transponders.
Her first brush with political activism came in April 2002, when
she attended a widows' support group in Princeton, N.J., where a
veteran survivor of terrorist murder injected a testosterone-fueled
fighting spirit. Bob Monetti, president of Families of Pan Am 103,
challenged them: "You can't sit back and let the government
treat you like shit."
Ms. Van Auken drove home with another freshly made 9/11 widow, Mindy
Kleinberg.
"It was early for us to be introduced to the big picture," said
Ms. Kleinberg of that meeting exactly two years ago.
"It was like Eve biting the apple," said Ms. Van Auken.
They called up Patty Casazza, who was in something of a pharmaceutical
haze. The events of Sept. 11 had brought back her childhood trauma-her
abandonment with her mother and four siblings in a St. Louis hotel
by her father. From there she had wiped away the tears, hoisted herself
out of poverty and married John Casazza, a Wall Street trader. Now,
she was the widowed mother of an 11-year-old boy who still can not
speak of the tragedy.
"We have to have a rally in Washington," Ms. Van Auken
said to Ms. Casazza.
"Oh, God," Ms. Casazza groaned. "That's huge, and
it's gonna be painful."
Ms. Kleinberg goaded her in a girlish voice: "I promise, Patty,
this is the last thing we'll ask you to do."
Patty laughed. "You lie a lot," she said.
Ms. Van Auken rushed off an e-mail to Kristen Breitweiser, a 9/11
widow from Middletown, who shot back two words: "Let's rally!"
And so, six months after the women's husbands had been murdered
and their families shattered, the four found each other.
Mindy Kleinberg and her three children were still roaming their
house at night, unable to sleep. They would try one bed after another,
until the 4-year-old would finally pass out, while her 7- and 11-year-olds
were still fitful. When Mindy spotted a monstrosity of a bed-a display
prop in a furniture store-she bought it out of the window. She and
her three children could sleep in it together.
Ms. Kleinberg and Ms. Van Auken commiserated nightly about the mute
rage of their young sons. Lorie's son, 14, had been in a science
classroom on Sept. 11. "They neglected to turn off the TV, so
he watched his father die on TV at school." The boy could not
forgive himself. He had heard his father getting ready for work that
morning, but had been too sleepy to go downstairs and say goodbye
to him.
Mindy was also worried about her 4-year-old. One day he had a meltdown
in a store, crying and sobbing and repeating, "Everybody's died
except me!"
These lonely suburban moms have banded together as an intentional
family. They fit their research and their trips to D.C. in between
meetings at a doctor's office to support the one who is having a
breast biopsy, or keeping a phone vigil with another mom whose child
is making suicidal noises, or taking their collective seven fatherless
children away on a holiday weekend-as long as they don't have to
fly or take a train.
Since last winter, when I began writing about the four moms for
The Observer, I have marveled at the clarity and perspicacity of
the questions they keep raising. Lacking subpoena power or a staff
of 60 investigators, they are still leagues ahead of the commissioners.
"We always come back to the same guideline," said Ms.
Van Auken, "Just do the right thing-not the political thing,
not the P.R. thing, not the TV-soundbite thing-just keep asking for
truth for the families and the public."
But it is exactly this genuineness, this quest which is all personal
and all political at once, that has recently drawn the national spotlight
to them.
When Richard Clarke opened his testimony before the 9/11 commission,
he said: "Those entrusted with protecting you failed you. And
your government failed you. I failed you."
Some of the four moms dissolved in tears. These were the words they
had been aching to hear any member of their government utter. The
wall around Ms. Van Auken's well of sadness, cemented over by activism,
crumbled. She sobbed uncontrollably.
Somewhere in the wall-to-wall running commentary on the 24-hour
news networks about how much credibility those tears lent Mr. Clarke
and his testimony, Ms. Van Auken, her friends and other family members
rose and spontaneously walked out to protest the failure of Condi
Rice to appear.
"We haven't had any of our questions answered, and the country
still isn't safe," Ms. Van Auken said.
And that vacuum, now, as much as the grief, fuels their continuing
passion.
Just last week, the F.B.I. and the Department of Homeland Security
revealed that they are hearing from their intelligence sources that
terrorists are planning new terror attacks in New York City. "We've
heard over and over that they want to use suitcase nukes," said
Ms. Van Auken. "We've been saying for ages, 'Why don't they
check more of our containers coming into U.S. ports? Why don't they
dry up the money lines for terrorists?' It's only after Madrid that
they're talking about trains. It sounds to me like we're stalled."
Ms. Breitweiser isn't so rattled anymore when the government issues
yet another warning that future terrorist attacks are likely.
"If they put out an alert that there could be backpack bombs
on trains, and you see a backpack on the floor with wires coming
out of it, you won't ignore it," she said. "My husband
was in building two of the Trade Center. If he had only known we
were under terrorist threat, he wouldn't have thought it was an accident,
and he might have run out of the building."
This column ran on page 1 in the 4/12/2004 edition of The New York
Observer.
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THE NEW YORK OBSERVER
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
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